Sorry for the irregular updates, had my term of death in the last couple of months! Will continue to write often!
Have a good day!
Undur Pak Lah,
Amir
Sunday, 20 April 2008
David Cameron As Blair As it Gets for Tory
Politics in Britain and Malaysia are comparable at the moment. The current leadership of both countries are weak. Brown and Abdullah are both facing more credible "government in waiting" leaders.
David Cameron makes an audacious attempt to split the Labour Party today by wooing Tony Blair's inner circle, including Lord Adonis, the former prime minister's policy chief and an education minister.
David Cameron during a local election campaign walkabout in Hastings
On message: Cameron’s comments during a local election campaign walkabout will ignite speculation that a defection may be imminent
In an interview with The Daily Telegraph, the Conservative leader lavishes praise on the minister and other key Blairite MPs and reveals that he wishes to build on reforms to public services begun by Gordon Brown's predecessor.
His comments will ignite speculation that a defection may be imminent. It is a risky strategy that is expected to infuriate traditional Conservatives who still have disdain for Mr Blair's New Labour.
But Mr Cameron is unapologetic. He knows that the key to winning the next election is to develop policies that appeal to Middle England voters who switched from Conservative to New Labour and are rapidly turning against Mr Brown.
"I welcome voters and people that supported Blair because they thought he would get the balance right between a strong, competitive economy and the reform of public services," he says.
advertisement
"I think the party making those compelling arguments today is the Conservative Party. I'm always trying to explain that I'm an instinctive Conservative, but I think it's very important to understand what has changed in the country and to keep the better things and to scrap the bad things.
"We will succeed best if we can demonstrate to the country that we have understood what's changed in the last decade and keep the good things."
But, he adds: "We are going to be a government for the post-Blair era rather than trying to turn the clock back."
Mr Cameron heaps praise on Lord Adonis. Among his comments on the Labour education minister are: "I think he's good"… "a really great record"… "a force for good".
There are already rumours of problems between Lord Adonis and Ed Balls, the Education Secretary.
When asked whether he would welcome Blairites to his shadow cabinet, Mr Cameron says: "I don't want to wreck his career but I think there is one good education minister and that's Lord Adonis. He is being steadily ruined by Ed Balls. I think Lord Adonis has been a force for good in education policy."
Alan Milburn, the former health secretary, is also praised for making some "very sensible" comments on reforming public services.
Mr Cameron adds that the intellectual arguments used by Stephen Byers - another Blair minister - Mr Milburn and others for introducing more choice and private sector involvement in public services are being addressed by the Conservatives.
However, the most important challenge facing David Cameron over the next few months is to avoid rejoicing too much in the meltdown of Mr Brown's premiership.
The Conservative leader is more than 10 points ahead in the opinion polls and on a trip to the south coast last week, mothers introduced Mr Cameron to their children as "the next prime minister".
Privately, senior Conservatives are comparing Mr Brown's woes to the dying days of John Major's administration but Mr Cameron knows from his own experiences in 1992 that a buoyant opposition cannot take victory for granted.
Throughout a visit to Hastings and Maidstone last week he was approached by people complaining about the abolition of the 10p tax band, the influx of foreign workers and the Prime Minister's apparent lack of empathy for the concerns of the ordinary Briton.
But the Conservative leader is sensitive to accusations that he may move into Downing Street in a protest vote against Mr Brown rather than the electorate being impressed by his ideas and policies.
Mr Cameron says: "Clearly the Government are in difficulties because of the indecisiveness and dithering, the economic difficulties, a Budget that demonstrated there is nothing left in the tank.
"As a result, they are having to tax people on relatively low incomes more. But I also think that the Conservative Party, ever since the party conference last year, has made one sensible step after another.
"I think our initiatives this year on welfare reform have absolutely set the agenda - the Government are copying those.
"I think our spring conference on making Britain more family friendly was extremely positive and welcome. I think the team looks very strong."
The Conservatives don't anticipate the forthcoming local elections will be the wipeout for Brown that some are predicting.
Labour may well pick up about 50 council seats - following disastrous results three years ago - which will allow them to claim a victory of sorts.
The Conservatives are still virtually non-existent on the councils of many big cities in the North and the Tory leader concedes that it will "take time" before that may change.
But he is clearly most concerned that a defeat for Boris Johnson in the London mayoral elections could have an impact on his own momentum towards the next general election.
"It is important," he says. "If he wins it's good for the Conservatives; if he doesn't it's bad. There's no point trying to fix expectations. It's a fairly black and white thing. I hope he wins."
Mr Cameron has been campaigning for Labour to reverse its decision to abolish the 10p rate of income tax. However, he has failed to offer an alternative policy and has little room to offer tax cuts in his manifesto.
With Labour planning tax concessions for the lower paid in next year's Budget, Mr Cameron may find tax cuts dominating his agenda in the next general election.
David Cameron makes an audacious attempt to split the Labour Party today by wooing Tony Blair's inner circle, including Lord Adonis, the former prime minister's policy chief and an education minister.
David Cameron during a local election campaign walkabout in Hastings
On message: Cameron’s comments during a local election campaign walkabout will ignite speculation that a defection may be imminent
In an interview with The Daily Telegraph, the Conservative leader lavishes praise on the minister and other key Blairite MPs and reveals that he wishes to build on reforms to public services begun by Gordon Brown's predecessor.
His comments will ignite speculation that a defection may be imminent. It is a risky strategy that is expected to infuriate traditional Conservatives who still have disdain for Mr Blair's New Labour.
But Mr Cameron is unapologetic. He knows that the key to winning the next election is to develop policies that appeal to Middle England voters who switched from Conservative to New Labour and are rapidly turning against Mr Brown.
"I welcome voters and people that supported Blair because they thought he would get the balance right between a strong, competitive economy and the reform of public services," he says.
advertisement
"I think the party making those compelling arguments today is the Conservative Party. I'm always trying to explain that I'm an instinctive Conservative, but I think it's very important to understand what has changed in the country and to keep the better things and to scrap the bad things.
"We will succeed best if we can demonstrate to the country that we have understood what's changed in the last decade and keep the good things."
But, he adds: "We are going to be a government for the post-Blair era rather than trying to turn the clock back."
Mr Cameron heaps praise on Lord Adonis. Among his comments on the Labour education minister are: "I think he's good"… "a really great record"… "a force for good".
There are already rumours of problems between Lord Adonis and Ed Balls, the Education Secretary.
When asked whether he would welcome Blairites to his shadow cabinet, Mr Cameron says: "I don't want to wreck his career but I think there is one good education minister and that's Lord Adonis. He is being steadily ruined by Ed Balls. I think Lord Adonis has been a force for good in education policy."
Alan Milburn, the former health secretary, is also praised for making some "very sensible" comments on reforming public services.
Mr Cameron adds that the intellectual arguments used by Stephen Byers - another Blair minister - Mr Milburn and others for introducing more choice and private sector involvement in public services are being addressed by the Conservatives.
However, the most important challenge facing David Cameron over the next few months is to avoid rejoicing too much in the meltdown of Mr Brown's premiership.
The Conservative leader is more than 10 points ahead in the opinion polls and on a trip to the south coast last week, mothers introduced Mr Cameron to their children as "the next prime minister".
Privately, senior Conservatives are comparing Mr Brown's woes to the dying days of John Major's administration but Mr Cameron knows from his own experiences in 1992 that a buoyant opposition cannot take victory for granted.
Throughout a visit to Hastings and Maidstone last week he was approached by people complaining about the abolition of the 10p tax band, the influx of foreign workers and the Prime Minister's apparent lack of empathy for the concerns of the ordinary Briton.
But the Conservative leader is sensitive to accusations that he may move into Downing Street in a protest vote against Mr Brown rather than the electorate being impressed by his ideas and policies.
Mr Cameron says: "Clearly the Government are in difficulties because of the indecisiveness and dithering, the economic difficulties, a Budget that demonstrated there is nothing left in the tank.
"As a result, they are having to tax people on relatively low incomes more. But I also think that the Conservative Party, ever since the party conference last year, has made one sensible step after another.
"I think our initiatives this year on welfare reform have absolutely set the agenda - the Government are copying those.
"I think our spring conference on making Britain more family friendly was extremely positive and welcome. I think the team looks very strong."
The Conservatives don't anticipate the forthcoming local elections will be the wipeout for Brown that some are predicting.
Labour may well pick up about 50 council seats - following disastrous results three years ago - which will allow them to claim a victory of sorts.
The Conservatives are still virtually non-existent on the councils of many big cities in the North and the Tory leader concedes that it will "take time" before that may change.
But he is clearly most concerned that a defeat for Boris Johnson in the London mayoral elections could have an impact on his own momentum towards the next general election.
"It is important," he says. "If he wins it's good for the Conservatives; if he doesn't it's bad. There's no point trying to fix expectations. It's a fairly black and white thing. I hope he wins."
Mr Cameron has been campaigning for Labour to reverse its decision to abolish the 10p rate of income tax. However, he has failed to offer an alternative policy and has little room to offer tax cuts in his manifesto.
With Labour planning tax concessions for the lower paid in next year's Budget, Mr Cameron may find tax cuts dominating his agenda in the next general election.
Saturday, 2 February 2008
BN- Battle on all fronts
ABDULLAH’S UPCOMING GENERAL ELECTIONS- AN ANALYSIS OF THE BATTLE ON ALL FRONTS!
Leading a government after a landslide victory in the general elections is always a double-edge sword. On one hand, it is easier to pass a piece of legislature which the party strongly believes in, while on the other the party will feel pressured to perform well and repeat its performance in the next elections. The thumb rule in any cycle; be it trade or political is that there is boom and bust. Once you reach the peak, it will be impossible to improve. This is the dilemma facing the Barisan Nasional (BN) government at the moment and to a lesser extent, Gordon Brown’s Labor party. After its massive sweep in the parliamentary seats contested and recapturing Terengganu while coming to within a whisker of Kelantan in the last general elections, BN could not possibly improve on its historic 2004 performance- thanks to the democratic system which we have installed. Had we not practice democracy in its true form as some quarters argue then; we will only have a one party state. Yes, it is true that the form of democracy that we exercise in Malaysia is not purest in its practice, but we ought to remember that a purely democratic state ironically exists only in the extremity of Marxism. Malaysia’s democratic flaw is a matter of behaviors- a never ending debate which has produced many schools of thought, and not concerns on principles. Let us not delve in the realms of political theory and instead focus on predicted performance of the major parties contesting in this up coming general elections, which is rumored to be called for mid-March. What are the issues which will be pivotal in tipping the votes, and who are the spotlight grabbers in this year’s elections?
In my opinion, this general election is unique, and I hope it will be recorded in the history books as such. Why? The reason for such strong claim is that for the first time in Malaysian political history, the ruling government is facing battle on all fronts. There are no compromises like before, all issues carry a heavier weight which adds up to the mounting burden on Abdullah’s shoulders as the leader of the coalition to prove that the last performance was not a fluke. This next general election is one which is seen as a personal battle for the premier. The mandate handed by the public to BN in 2004 was based on the promises of reforms. Malaysians gave Abdullah what he needed, the support underneath his reform platform. Four years down the road, are we better off now? Arguably, BN won handsomely in 2004 because of Abdullah’s appeal and charm as the “new” person walking on the corridors of absolute power, a sentiment which his predecessor, Dr. Mahathir has strongly opposed in the latter’s public speeches. It is true that Abdullah was an asset then, but now is he a liability to the party? This is the notion that Abdullah and his spin doctors and advisers are trying very hard to brush off. The general state of UMNO will be a good point to highlight the success of Abdullah’s tenure. UMNO is stable despite minor factions, and are ready to take on the challenges thrown by the opposition in the general elections. It is very receptive of Abdullah’s leadership- which is not completely ironic. The only trouble which might bother UMNO’s election machineries is BERSIH. The call for “cleaner elections” will be an issue UMNO has to deal with exclusively. Apart from that, the general Malay community are satiated with the premiership, although not much so among urban dwellers. This urban-rural dichotomy is not a big issue because the base of UMNO’s support lies within the rural Malays. Nevertheless, the 2008 elections will be a personal battle for the 68 year old premier and an opportunity for him to cement his legacy. Nevertheless, this veteran politician knows that somehow or rather his political legacy will be tarnished come March 2008. BN is bound to lose the excessive parliamentary seats they currently hold. He acknowledges the fact that it will be an uphill struggle for BN to retain the mandate of 2004, but in his deep worries, the ever smiling gentleman is still optimistic of the ruling coalition’s chances. We will just wait and see.
Why battle on all fronts if it is a personal battle for the premier? On top of Abdullah’s leadership crisis, most of the major component parties in BN are facing deep-rooted issues. MCA is embroiled in struggles within the party and the Chinese community on the whole. There is an imminent rise of factional politics within MCA, barely four years after the still-fresh wound healed. If back then, there existed two distinct camps, A and B, now there is a new faction, a force independent of the two- called C. This new camp comprises of the supporters of Chua Soi Lek- the infamous health minister who was caught on video, pants down with his “personal friend.” Supporters of this well received leader vow to avenge Chua’s downfall, and place him on MCA’s political helm come the party elections in 2009 as they strongly believe that there was a political ploy by the MCA top guns in bringing down Chua. Furthermore, tension seems to resurface between Team A and B in allocations of seats for the elections. There is severe frustration within Team B- led by Chan Kong Choy that Team A-led by Ong Ka Ting are fielding its allies in the secure seats and forcing Team B’s warlords to contest in the hot seats, in which the chances of losing is very high indeed. This might be the master plan of the Ong siblings ( Ong Ka Chuan is the all powerful Secretary General) to consolidate their powers within the party, removing the remnants of Team B from MCA’s hierarchy permanently. This internal turbulence within MCA, reminds me very much of 1987 UMNO. Team B and Team C might collaborate in toppling Team A, just like Musa Hitam and Tengku Razaleigh’s pact which almost brought down the mighty Dr. Mahathir.
Apart from looming internal crisis, MCA is taken to task on the economic prospect of the country. The general Chinese community believes that today’s Malaysia lack economic sense of direction. Despite BN’s attempt to squash this thought by launching one economic power corridor after the other, the small size traders and hawkers could not “feel” the effect trickling down just yet. Hence, to these groups of Chinese who in turn form the bulk of MCA grass roots, the economic uncertainties are spelt clearly on the horizons. Fueled by the anticipation of recession in major global economies, they feel that there will be severe volatility in the trade cycle. Abdullah needs to reassure these troubled MCA grass roots that in his capacity as Finance Minister, Malaysia will sail through the projected economic downtrend. Furthermore, internal security is an issue to the Chinese. The rapid rise of the underground lords and illegal business ring, reminds us of 1960s New York. Many Chinese small and medium size businessmen are worried of being harassed by these mob groups. Doubts over police competency have been raised, and this issue finds its trails all the way back to the Internal Security Ministry- which is led by Abdullah. Although the Chinese are concerned with government policies and not the leaders, Abdullah could not help to fight a personal general elections as all the issues which have been raised are the ones which fall under his direct responsibility in his capacity as ministers of these ministries, and not as the Prime Minister. Therefore, we can rightly suggest that MCA’s predicted stru
ggles at the polls is not much the result of its own incompetence but it is contributed by Abdullah personally and the whole government generally.
A political turmoil in MCA and the Chinese community will usually be balanced with stability in other component parties. Not so, this time around. MIC- the third biggest component party in the coalition is going through a rough patch as well. There is no internal bickering within the party but a notable size of the Indian community is dissatisfied with MIC wholesale. Firstly, it has failed to address the plights and concerns of working class Indians who feel they are economically disadvantaged. This group argues that the MIC backed economic policies benefit a select few- those who are within the inner circles of those higher up in the hierarchy. As a result, this discontented lot is joining the racial discrimination chorus led by their HINDRAF brethrens. On a smaller scale, the business interests of MIC have raised the concerns of party members. It seems the MAIKA Holding issue is a huge scandal of corruption waiting to explode in the face of MIC leaders. Having said that, the corporate issue will not be the main concern of MIC in this coming elections but it is the severity of dissatisfaction leveled at MIC on the issue of Indian welfare. Gerakan on the other hand, is facing a micro-management problem. It seems that the current president, Koh Tsu Koon is said to be an indecisive political personality. He makes an excellent number two, but as a national leader in his own right- Koh himself is still unsure. Finding the right parliamentary seat for him self is his first priority- the seats in Penang are marginal, he might end up not being a member of parliament after all. This is because Penangites are known for their tendency to vote for BN in the state elections and the opposition for parliamentary seats. On top of that, DAP is making as serious bid for the Penang’s state leadership, which might deny BN of its two-third control of the state legislative. Therefore, it is a battle on all fronts for the BN coalition with all the major parties having their hand full with issues.
How is the opposition gearing up? They are unfortunately far from ready. There still is bickering over seat allocations and there lack a clear common sense of directions. Nonetheless, these opposition parties are becoming stronger individually by the day. DAP is charging strongly to claim Penang’s leadership while PKR is making inroads in Sabah, Sarawak and other non-Malay areas. PAS looks steady and stable enough to get a stronger grip of Kelantan’s state legislature. DAP has offered the best form of a shadow government just yet by offering its own version of the National Budget. This financial plan is a good combination of monetary and fiscal management with strong emphasis on the Malaysian economic fundamentals. On the other hand, Anwar Ibrahim is a force to be reckoned with. Despite the elections being almost certain to be called in March- just weeks before Anwar’s ban on his contesting eligibility is lifted, the de facto PKR leader is still a crowd magnet for the party. It is rumored that the PKR president who will be defending her Permatang Pauh seat will win and serve for only a year before quitting and calling for a by- election which will then hand over Anwar’s former parliamentary constituency back to the still-ambitious politician, 10 years after losing it. But, rest assured it is not as easy as it might be for Anwar- a by- election will see BN’s full campaign machinery on Permatang Pauh and this means full scale war short of nuclear capabilities. Shifting away from the leadership focus, PKR’s continuing call for transparent governance and exposing corruption within the judiciary, will win them popular vote among democratic conscious urban voters. This proves to be their strongest and biggest political base ever.
Finally, on a lighter note, the continuing criticism from the newly-recovered, healthy Dr. Mahathir- which has vowed to remain a thorn on Abdullah’s side will make this elections not just issue driven but personal as well. Dr. Mahathir has further lambasted Abdullah on his incompetence and has accused the premier for overstaying the welcome as a leader. He notoriously revealed a “gentlemen agreement” ala Brown-Blair, strucked between the two while Dr. Mahathir was still in power. Part of the agreement has Abdullah agreeing to not seek a second term in office and allow Najib to be the next prime minister of Malaysia. Nonetheless, Dr. Mahathir is putting his political nemesis in deep political trouble. Najib is caught between allegiance to Abdullah and gratitude towards Mahathir, which means the opportunity cost for any of his decision is huge and we might see the end of this political shinning star. In conclusion, BN is not going to have it easy this time around; the battle is on all fronts- from deep internal divides to economic, leadership, religion and racial tensions. Majorities will be slashed and a few prominent candidates might get politically butchered. It is interesting to see how it unfolds.
Leading a government after a landslide victory in the general elections is always a double-edge sword. On one hand, it is easier to pass a piece of legislature which the party strongly believes in, while on the other the party will feel pressured to perform well and repeat its performance in the next elections. The thumb rule in any cycle; be it trade or political is that there is boom and bust. Once you reach the peak, it will be impossible to improve. This is the dilemma facing the Barisan Nasional (BN) government at the moment and to a lesser extent, Gordon Brown’s Labor party. After its massive sweep in the parliamentary seats contested and recapturing Terengganu while coming to within a whisker of Kelantan in the last general elections, BN could not possibly improve on its historic 2004 performance- thanks to the democratic system which we have installed. Had we not practice democracy in its true form as some quarters argue then; we will only have a one party state. Yes, it is true that the form of democracy that we exercise in Malaysia is not purest in its practice, but we ought to remember that a purely democratic state ironically exists only in the extremity of Marxism. Malaysia’s democratic flaw is a matter of behaviors- a never ending debate which has produced many schools of thought, and not concerns on principles. Let us not delve in the realms of political theory and instead focus on predicted performance of the major parties contesting in this up coming general elections, which is rumored to be called for mid-March. What are the issues which will be pivotal in tipping the votes, and who are the spotlight grabbers in this year’s elections?
In my opinion, this general election is unique, and I hope it will be recorded in the history books as such. Why? The reason for such strong claim is that for the first time in Malaysian political history, the ruling government is facing battle on all fronts. There are no compromises like before, all issues carry a heavier weight which adds up to the mounting burden on Abdullah’s shoulders as the leader of the coalition to prove that the last performance was not a fluke. This next general election is one which is seen as a personal battle for the premier. The mandate handed by the public to BN in 2004 was based on the promises of reforms. Malaysians gave Abdullah what he needed, the support underneath his reform platform. Four years down the road, are we better off now? Arguably, BN won handsomely in 2004 because of Abdullah’s appeal and charm as the “new” person walking on the corridors of absolute power, a sentiment which his predecessor, Dr. Mahathir has strongly opposed in the latter’s public speeches. It is true that Abdullah was an asset then, but now is he a liability to the party? This is the notion that Abdullah and his spin doctors and advisers are trying very hard to brush off. The general state of UMNO will be a good point to highlight the success of Abdullah’s tenure. UMNO is stable despite minor factions, and are ready to take on the challenges thrown by the opposition in the general elections. It is very receptive of Abdullah’s leadership- which is not completely ironic. The only trouble which might bother UMNO’s election machineries is BERSIH. The call for “cleaner elections” will be an issue UMNO has to deal with exclusively. Apart from that, the general Malay community are satiated with the premiership, although not much so among urban dwellers. This urban-rural dichotomy is not a big issue because the base of UMNO’s support lies within the rural Malays. Nevertheless, the 2008 elections will be a personal battle for the 68 year old premier and an opportunity for him to cement his legacy. Nevertheless, this veteran politician knows that somehow or rather his political legacy will be tarnished come March 2008. BN is bound to lose the excessive parliamentary seats they currently hold. He acknowledges the fact that it will be an uphill struggle for BN to retain the mandate of 2004, but in his deep worries, the ever smiling gentleman is still optimistic of the ruling coalition’s chances. We will just wait and see.
Why battle on all fronts if it is a personal battle for the premier? On top of Abdullah’s leadership crisis, most of the major component parties in BN are facing deep-rooted issues. MCA is embroiled in struggles within the party and the Chinese community on the whole. There is an imminent rise of factional politics within MCA, barely four years after the still-fresh wound healed. If back then, there existed two distinct camps, A and B, now there is a new faction, a force independent of the two- called C. This new camp comprises of the supporters of Chua Soi Lek- the infamous health minister who was caught on video, pants down with his “personal friend.” Supporters of this well received leader vow to avenge Chua’s downfall, and place him on MCA’s political helm come the party elections in 2009 as they strongly believe that there was a political ploy by the MCA top guns in bringing down Chua. Furthermore, tension seems to resurface between Team A and B in allocations of seats for the elections. There is severe frustration within Team B- led by Chan Kong Choy that Team A-led by Ong Ka Ting are fielding its allies in the secure seats and forcing Team B’s warlords to contest in the hot seats, in which the chances of losing is very high indeed. This might be the master plan of the Ong siblings ( Ong Ka Chuan is the all powerful Secretary General) to consolidate their powers within the party, removing the remnants of Team B from MCA’s hierarchy permanently. This internal turbulence within MCA, reminds me very much of 1987 UMNO. Team B and Team C might collaborate in toppling Team A, just like Musa Hitam and Tengku Razaleigh’s pact which almost brought down the mighty Dr. Mahathir.
Apart from looming internal crisis, MCA is taken to task on the economic prospect of the country. The general Chinese community believes that today’s Malaysia lack economic sense of direction. Despite BN’s attempt to squash this thought by launching one economic power corridor after the other, the small size traders and hawkers could not “feel” the effect trickling down just yet. Hence, to these groups of Chinese who in turn form the bulk of MCA grass roots, the economic uncertainties are spelt clearly on the horizons. Fueled by the anticipation of recession in major global economies, they feel that there will be severe volatility in the trade cycle. Abdullah needs to reassure these troubled MCA grass roots that in his capacity as Finance Minister, Malaysia will sail through the projected economic downtrend. Furthermore, internal security is an issue to the Chinese. The rapid rise of the underground lords and illegal business ring, reminds us of 1960s New York. Many Chinese small and medium size businessmen are worried of being harassed by these mob groups. Doubts over police competency have been raised, and this issue finds its trails all the way back to the Internal Security Ministry- which is led by Abdullah. Although the Chinese are concerned with government policies and not the leaders, Abdullah could not help to fight a personal general elections as all the issues which have been raised are the ones which fall under his direct responsibility in his capacity as ministers of these ministries, and not as the Prime Minister. Therefore, we can rightly suggest that MCA’s predicted stru
ggles at the polls is not much the result of its own incompetence but it is contributed by Abdullah personally and the whole government generally.
A political turmoil in MCA and the Chinese community will usually be balanced with stability in other component parties. Not so, this time around. MIC- the third biggest component party in the coalition is going through a rough patch as well. There is no internal bickering within the party but a notable size of the Indian community is dissatisfied with MIC wholesale. Firstly, it has failed to address the plights and concerns of working class Indians who feel they are economically disadvantaged. This group argues that the MIC backed economic policies benefit a select few- those who are within the inner circles of those higher up in the hierarchy. As a result, this discontented lot is joining the racial discrimination chorus led by their HINDRAF brethrens. On a smaller scale, the business interests of MIC have raised the concerns of party members. It seems the MAIKA Holding issue is a huge scandal of corruption waiting to explode in the face of MIC leaders. Having said that, the corporate issue will not be the main concern of MIC in this coming elections but it is the severity of dissatisfaction leveled at MIC on the issue of Indian welfare. Gerakan on the other hand, is facing a micro-management problem. It seems that the current president, Koh Tsu Koon is said to be an indecisive political personality. He makes an excellent number two, but as a national leader in his own right- Koh himself is still unsure. Finding the right parliamentary seat for him self is his first priority- the seats in Penang are marginal, he might end up not being a member of parliament after all. This is because Penangites are known for their tendency to vote for BN in the state elections and the opposition for parliamentary seats. On top of that, DAP is making as serious bid for the Penang’s state leadership, which might deny BN of its two-third control of the state legislative. Therefore, it is a battle on all fronts for the BN coalition with all the major parties having their hand full with issues.
How is the opposition gearing up? They are unfortunately far from ready. There still is bickering over seat allocations and there lack a clear common sense of directions. Nonetheless, these opposition parties are becoming stronger individually by the day. DAP is charging strongly to claim Penang’s leadership while PKR is making inroads in Sabah, Sarawak and other non-Malay areas. PAS looks steady and stable enough to get a stronger grip of Kelantan’s state legislature. DAP has offered the best form of a shadow government just yet by offering its own version of the National Budget. This financial plan is a good combination of monetary and fiscal management with strong emphasis on the Malaysian economic fundamentals. On the other hand, Anwar Ibrahim is a force to be reckoned with. Despite the elections being almost certain to be called in March- just weeks before Anwar’s ban on his contesting eligibility is lifted, the de facto PKR leader is still a crowd magnet for the party. It is rumored that the PKR president who will be defending her Permatang Pauh seat will win and serve for only a year before quitting and calling for a by- election which will then hand over Anwar’s former parliamentary constituency back to the still-ambitious politician, 10 years after losing it. But, rest assured it is not as easy as it might be for Anwar- a by- election will see BN’s full campaign machinery on Permatang Pauh and this means full scale war short of nuclear capabilities. Shifting away from the leadership focus, PKR’s continuing call for transparent governance and exposing corruption within the judiciary, will win them popular vote among democratic conscious urban voters. This proves to be their strongest and biggest political base ever.
Finally, on a lighter note, the continuing criticism from the newly-recovered, healthy Dr. Mahathir- which has vowed to remain a thorn on Abdullah’s side will make this elections not just issue driven but personal as well. Dr. Mahathir has further lambasted Abdullah on his incompetence and has accused the premier for overstaying the welcome as a leader. He notoriously revealed a “gentlemen agreement” ala Brown-Blair, strucked between the two while Dr. Mahathir was still in power. Part of the agreement has Abdullah agreeing to not seek a second term in office and allow Najib to be the next prime minister of Malaysia. Nonetheless, Dr. Mahathir is putting his political nemesis in deep political trouble. Najib is caught between allegiance to Abdullah and gratitude towards Mahathir, which means the opportunity cost for any of his decision is huge and we might see the end of this political shinning star. In conclusion, BN is not going to have it easy this time around; the battle is on all fronts- from deep internal divides to economic, leadership, religion and racial tensions. Majorities will be slashed and a few prominent candidates might get politically butchered. It is interesting to see how it unfolds.
Monday, 28 January 2008
Curing Brain Drain- Planning for Labour for the Future
Britain is worried that its future labour force are losing jobs to the burgeoning Eastern European population. Can the PM's new startegy work? I think, Malaysia should do this too. By having government guided programmes for extensive labour planning, we would not have serious fluctuations in the labour market. The brain drain issue and mat rempit could be killed with one stone!
Soon in the UK, School-leavers are to be guided into apprenticeships that suit their interests using a university-style clearing scheme, Gordon Brown will announce.
Ministers want the number of apprenticeships for 16 to 18-year-olds to increase to 90,000, with one in five young people taking them up by 2013.
Employers will be given incentives to take on apprentices, including wage subsidies for small businesses.
Public sector employers, such as hospitals and schools, are to receive help to recruit young people on special training schemes.
Youngsters interested in becoming an apprentice will enter a clearing system at school similar to that run by Ucas for universities, which will channel them towards a scheme that suits them.
The plans will be unveiled by the Prime Minister at a business event in London, alongside James Purnell, the new Work and Pensions Secretary, and John Denham, the Skills Secretary.
Sir Alex Ferguson, the Manchester United manager, Sir Alan Sugar and Gary Rhodes, the chef, have also been enlisted.
advertisement
Mr Brown will say: "This is my proposal today - a new partnership between government and employers to create a Britain of opportunity where everyone can make the most of their talents, a new commitment to take the tough long-term decisions to create the skills and welfare system we need."
Describing his own experience as an apprentice, Sir Alex said: "Apprenticeships were a comprehensive education which taught young people how to be part of a workforce.
"It is sad that their demise was so swift and any attempt to revive their place in a young person's training should be welcomed and will benefit the economy for years to come."
The launch includes radical welfare reform proposals, including plans to extend the role of the private sector in finding employment for jobseekers.
Mr Purnell is expected to announce pilot schemes in 11 areas for the voluntary and private sector to find jobs, a move seen as a victory for the Blairite wing of New Labour.
Interviewed on BBC1's Andrew Marr Show, Mr Purnell said the Government had a "moral obligation" to look at innovative approaches to the problem of long-term unemployment, adding that he had no ideological preference between the public, private and voluntary sectors in getting people back to work.
He said: "The big reform which I want to bring in is to look at how we can use the private sector, the voluntary sector as well as the public sector to help people get into work because if they can bring in innovation, a new approach, it's our moral obligation to make sure we get the best service for people in that situation."
Mr Purnell revealed the launch would endorse radical recommendations made in a report last year by David Freud, a City banker, and go further.
The unemployed will be forced to take a skills test to discover which jobs they are capable of in a new approach described by Mr Brown as "carrot and stick".
Claimants will have to accept individual training to learn skills to enhance their job prospects or risk being stripped of benefits.
In an interview on the BBC's Politics Show, Mr Brown said employers were keen to give jobs to skilled workers.
"British people who are trying to get these skills ought to be in a position to get jobs," he added.
Soon in the UK, School-leavers are to be guided into apprenticeships that suit their interests using a university-style clearing scheme, Gordon Brown will announce.
Ministers want the number of apprenticeships for 16 to 18-year-olds to increase to 90,000, with one in five young people taking them up by 2013.
Employers will be given incentives to take on apprentices, including wage subsidies for small businesses.
Public sector employers, such as hospitals and schools, are to receive help to recruit young people on special training schemes.
Youngsters interested in becoming an apprentice will enter a clearing system at school similar to that run by Ucas for universities, which will channel them towards a scheme that suits them.
The plans will be unveiled by the Prime Minister at a business event in London, alongside James Purnell, the new Work and Pensions Secretary, and John Denham, the Skills Secretary.
Sir Alex Ferguson, the Manchester United manager, Sir Alan Sugar and Gary Rhodes, the chef, have also been enlisted.
advertisement
Mr Brown will say: "This is my proposal today - a new partnership between government and employers to create a Britain of opportunity where everyone can make the most of their talents, a new commitment to take the tough long-term decisions to create the skills and welfare system we need."
Describing his own experience as an apprentice, Sir Alex said: "Apprenticeships were a comprehensive education which taught young people how to be part of a workforce.
"It is sad that their demise was so swift and any attempt to revive their place in a young person's training should be welcomed and will benefit the economy for years to come."
The launch includes radical welfare reform proposals, including plans to extend the role of the private sector in finding employment for jobseekers.
Mr Purnell is expected to announce pilot schemes in 11 areas for the voluntary and private sector to find jobs, a move seen as a victory for the Blairite wing of New Labour.
Interviewed on BBC1's Andrew Marr Show, Mr Purnell said the Government had a "moral obligation" to look at innovative approaches to the problem of long-term unemployment, adding that he had no ideological preference between the public, private and voluntary sectors in getting people back to work.
He said: "The big reform which I want to bring in is to look at how we can use the private sector, the voluntary sector as well as the public sector to help people get into work because if they can bring in innovation, a new approach, it's our moral obligation to make sure we get the best service for people in that situation."
Mr Purnell revealed the launch would endorse radical recommendations made in a report last year by David Freud, a City banker, and go further.
The unemployed will be forced to take a skills test to discover which jobs they are capable of in a new approach described by Mr Brown as "carrot and stick".
Claimants will have to accept individual training to learn skills to enhance their job prospects or risk being stripped of benefits.
In an interview on the BBC's Politics Show, Mr Brown said employers were keen to give jobs to skilled workers.
"British people who are trying to get these skills ought to be in a position to get jobs," he added.
Biological black vs Ideological Black- Who will win the actual Black votes?
Hye, I havent blogged for ages. This is partly due to inactiveness thru out the christmas vacation and heckalotof work at the start of term. Anyhow, as a Hillary supporter, I am posting the question, can Obama turn on the Black heat?
Remember the writer Toni Morrison’s remark that one Bill Clinton was America’s “first black president”? In 1998, she eulogised: “Blacker than any actual black person who could ever be elected in our children's lifetime. After all, Clinton displays almost every trope of blackness: single-parent household, born poor, working-class, saxophone-playing, McDonald's-and-junk-food-loving boy from Arkansas.”
Seems she’s thought again. Today, she’s set to endorse an actual first black president - should he be elected – in the person of Barack Obama. Of course, even Obama joked about the notion that Bill Clinton might be black. At last week’s debate in South Carolina, Obama [a]mused: "I would have to investigate more Bill’s dancing abilities and some of this other stuff before I accurately judge whether he was actually a brother." So does Morrison’s rethink matter?
First of all, it’s worth noting, as Too Sense does here, that in the original New Yorker piece, which the quotation came from, Morrison’s broader point seemed to be (the article is a tough read) was that during the Monica Lewinsky Bill Clinton was persecuted the same way that blacks had been through history.
Be that as it may, the “first black president” bit was all that stuck and the Clintons have certainly used it to their advantage. Last year, Hillary Clinton joked about being in “this interracial marriage”.
Some towering figures in the American black community have bought into this. Andrew Young, the civil rights hero and former ambassador to the UN, made the disgusting joke recently that “Bill is every bit as black as Barack. He’s probably gone with more black women than Barack.”
But the South Carolina primary and the pattern of racial remarks by the Clintons – particularly Bill – since Barack Obama’s stunning victory in the Iowa caucuses has transformed the race debate here.
People like Dick Morris believe that the remarks were a deliberate strategy to paint Obama as “the black candidate” – ensuring he would win in the South but lose big among white and Hispanic voters, thereby guaranteeing Hillary the nomination.
My hunch is that that was indeed the strategy but that it now seems to be backfiring. It appears that the Ted Kennedy endorsement was made largely because of his dismay at the Clinton comments on race. And Kennedy’s not just endorsing, he’s going to be stumping across the country for Obama.
The South Carolina win for Obama, moreover, was by a clear 28 points. Although blacks did indeed vote overwhelmingly for Obama (80 per cent) and he was third after John Edwards and Hillary among white voters, there was clearly significant white support for Obama and he has at least a fighting chance of living up to his transcending-race rhetoric.
Practically speaking, Toni Morrison’s endorsement of Obama is just a footnote in the 2008 election race. But it is a sign that the issue of Bill Clinton’s relationship with African Americans has changed. To borrow one of the phrases Obama uses frequently about his candidacy, Morrison has turned the page.
Remember the writer Toni Morrison’s remark that one Bill Clinton was America’s “first black president”? In 1998, she eulogised: “Blacker than any actual black person who could ever be elected in our children's lifetime. After all, Clinton displays almost every trope of blackness: single-parent household, born poor, working-class, saxophone-playing, McDonald's-and-junk-food-loving boy from Arkansas.”
Seems she’s thought again. Today, she’s set to endorse an actual first black president - should he be elected – in the person of Barack Obama. Of course, even Obama joked about the notion that Bill Clinton might be black. At last week’s debate in South Carolina, Obama [a]mused: "I would have to investigate more Bill’s dancing abilities and some of this other stuff before I accurately judge whether he was actually a brother." So does Morrison’s rethink matter?
First of all, it’s worth noting, as Too Sense does here, that in the original New Yorker piece, which the quotation came from, Morrison’s broader point seemed to be (the article is a tough read) was that during the Monica Lewinsky Bill Clinton was persecuted the same way that blacks had been through history.
Be that as it may, the “first black president” bit was all that stuck and the Clintons have certainly used it to their advantage. Last year, Hillary Clinton joked about being in “this interracial marriage”.
Some towering figures in the American black community have bought into this. Andrew Young, the civil rights hero and former ambassador to the UN, made the disgusting joke recently that “Bill is every bit as black as Barack. He’s probably gone with more black women than Barack.”
But the South Carolina primary and the pattern of racial remarks by the Clintons – particularly Bill – since Barack Obama’s stunning victory in the Iowa caucuses has transformed the race debate here.
People like Dick Morris believe that the remarks were a deliberate strategy to paint Obama as “the black candidate” – ensuring he would win in the South but lose big among white and Hispanic voters, thereby guaranteeing Hillary the nomination.
My hunch is that that was indeed the strategy but that it now seems to be backfiring. It appears that the Ted Kennedy endorsement was made largely because of his dismay at the Clinton comments on race. And Kennedy’s not just endorsing, he’s going to be stumping across the country for Obama.
The South Carolina win for Obama, moreover, was by a clear 28 points. Although blacks did indeed vote overwhelmingly for Obama (80 per cent) and he was third after John Edwards and Hillary among white voters, there was clearly significant white support for Obama and he has at least a fighting chance of living up to his transcending-race rhetoric.
Practically speaking, Toni Morrison’s endorsement of Obama is just a footnote in the 2008 election race. But it is a sign that the issue of Bill Clinton’s relationship with African Americans has changed. To borrow one of the phrases Obama uses frequently about his candidacy, Morrison has turned the page.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
